It is a well-established legal principle that a person faced with allegations of illegal wrongdoing should have the opportunity to challenge the case against them. The testing of evidence, it is argued, assists the court to understand the truth of a factual dispute for, as John Milton rhetorically asked during his 17th century campaign for reform of England’s divorce laws, “who ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter?” It is axiomatic that a party may challenge the evidence against them through cross-examination of witnesses. However, where a party is an alleged perpetrator of abuse, and is challenging allegations of abuse made against them by their alleged victim, and proposes to cross-examine their alleged victim in person, competing policy considerations are engaged. As Mr Justice Hayden recently commented at paragraph 20 of PS v BP [2018] EWHC 1987 (Fam), the process of being cross-examined by a self-representing alleged abuser is “entirely different” for an alleged victim than the process of being robustly challenged by an advocate – “the latter may trigger in the victim a vivid recollection of abuse but the former can have the effect of replicating the abuse. In simple terms the process itself becomes abusive.”
Parliament has recognised the problems entailed through cross-examination of vulnerable witnesses by litigants in person, because sections 34 to 36 of the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 empower the Criminal Court to restrict such cross-examination, and section 38 enables the Criminal Court to appoint an advocate to conduct the cross-examination at public expense. However, these provisions only directly apply in the Criminal Court, leaving the Family Court with less scope to prevent alleged victims from being cross-examined by their alleged abusers in fact finding hearings within the family jurisdiction. This author agrees with the opinion of Mr Justice Wood at paragraph 25 of H v L and R [2007] 2 FLR 162, that there is simply no policy justification for the distinction. Allowing alleged perpetrators of abuse the opportunity to wield further power and control over their alleged victims through cross-examination is surely a clear disregard for the impact of abuse, whether the cross-examination takes place in the criminal or family jurisdiction? Equally, it is unclear why a person facing allegations of serious abuse in the Family Court is not entitled to representation at public expense, when they would be so entitled in the Criminal Court? One justification might be that a person who has allegations of abuse established against them in the Criminal Court is liable to imprisonment. However, findings of abuse made in the Family Court may also lead to very significant interferences with a person’s Article 8 rights (for example, on a person’s freedom to contact their children). Therefore, there is no coherent policy justification for denying the Family Court the means of appointing an advocate to conduct cross-examination of an alleged victim, in leu of cross-examination by a self-representing alleged perpetrator, when this power already exists in the Criminal Court.
Mr Justice Hayden, speaking in the aforementioned High Court case of PS v BP [2018] EWHC 1987 (Fam) has called for Parliamentary intervention to address the “untenable” situation with which the Family Court is currently faced. At paragraph 34 of his judgement, Mr Justice Hayden stated that until a cogent framework could be established by Parliament, analysis of the core source materials could only offer “a forensic life belt until a rescue craft arrives”. In summary where “serious and intimate” allegations are made, and the alleged perpetrator is due to cross-examine the alleged victim in person:
a ‘ground rules’ hearing will always be necessary, and should normally be conducted prior to the fact-finding hearing, with judicial continuity between the two hearings;
The observations in PS v BP [2018] EWHC 1987 (Fam) usefully and concisely outline those matters that the Family Court should have regard to when an alleged perpetrator of abuse is due
to cross-examine the alleged victim. However, Mr Justice Hayden was also wise to recognise that the judgement does not offer an adequate substitute for statutory intervention, because cross-examination conducted by a child’s advocate or a Judge is not a sustainable solution to the present dilemmas. A case may be factually complex, without necessitating the appointment of a Child’s Guardian. In any event, it is important the position advanced by the Child’s Guardian is just that: the position of the Child’s Guardian. The independence of the Child’s Gaudian should not be compromised by any competing duty to put the case of another party to the dispute. If the cross-examination were conducted wholesale by a Judge, there is risk that a perception of bias arises, if one (or both) of the parties feel that the questions asked were unfair or inadequate. Furthermore, the additional time that a judge would need to prepare the cross-examination would add delay to the court proceedings, militating against the principle in s1(2) of the Children Act 1989 that delay is likely to prejudice the welfare of the child. For these reasons, it is welcome that Mr Justice Hayden sent a copy of his judgement to the Justice Secretary, so the Government could consider the issues raised.
On the 21st of January 2019 the UK Government published the Domestic Abuse Bill. If enacted, clause 50 may provide the rescue craft in response to the judicial distress call. Under draft clause 50, a series of amendments are proposed to the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act 1984. In summary:
The proposals made by the UK Government in clause 50 of the Domestic Abuse Bill 2019 are hugely welcome. Clause 50 has the potential to provide a framework in which the Family Court can engage with the cross-examination of vulnerable individuals by litigant in person, in the same cogent manner as the Criminal Court. Sadly, there must be real doubt over how expeditiousl